What
is it like to be a human being?
Almost half a century ago, the philosopher Thomas
Nagel published a famous paper called “What Is It Like to Be a Bat?” The
question I want to ask is: what is it like to be a human being? As it
happens, Tom Nagel’s insightful paper in The Philosophical Review was also
really about human beings, and only marginally about bats. Among other points,
Nagel expressed deep scepticism about the temptation of observational
scientists to identify the experience of being a bat—or similarly, a human
being—with the associated physical phenomena in the brain and elsewhere in the
body that are within easy reach of outside inspection. The sense of being a bat
or a human can hardly be seen as just having certain twitches in the brain and
of the body. The complexity of the former cannot be resolved by the easier
tractability of the latter (tempting though it may be to do just that).
The cutting edge of the human development
approach is also based on a distinction— but of a rather different kind from Nagel’s
basic epistemological contrast. The approach that Mahbub ul Haq
pioneered through the series of Human Development Reports which began in 1990 is that
between, on the one hand, the difficult problem of assessing the richness of
human lives, including the
freedoms that human beings have reason to value, and on the other, the much
easier exercise of keeping track of incomes and other external resources that
persons—or nations—happen to have. Gross domestic product (GDP) is much
easier to see and measure than the quality of human life that people have. But
human well-being and freedom, and their connection with fairness and justice in
the world, cannot be reduced simply to the measurement of GDP and its growth rate,
as many people are tempted to do.
The intrinsic complexity of human
development is important to acknowledge, partly because we should not be
side-tracked into changing the question: that was the central point that moved
Mahbub ul Haq’s bold initiative to supplement—and to some extent supplant—GDP. But along with
that came a more difficult point, which is also an inescapable part of what has
come to be called “the
human development approach.” We may, for the sake of convenience, use many
simple indicators of human development, such as the HDI, based on only three
variables with a very simple rule for weighting them—but the quest cannot end
there. We should not spurn workable and useful shortcuts—the HDI may tell us a
lot more about human
quality of life than does the GDP—but nor should we be entirely satisfied with
the immediate gain captured in these shortcuts
in a world of continuous practice. Assessing the quality of life is a much
more complex exercise than what can be captured through only one number, no
matter how judicious is the selection of variables to be included, and the
choice of the procedure of weighting.
The recognition of complexity has other
important implications as well. The crucial role of public reasoning, which the
present Human Development Report particularly emphasizes, arises partly from
the recognition of this complexity. Only the wearer may know where the shoe
pinches, but pinch avoiding arrangements cannot be effectively undertaken
without giving voice to the people and giving them extensive opportunities for public
discussion. The importance of various elements in evaluating well-being and
freedom of people can be adequately appreciated and assessed only through persistent
dialogue among
the population, with an impact on the making of public policy. The political significance of such
initiatives as the so-called
Arab Spring, and mass movements elsewhere in the world, is matched by
the epistemic importance of people expressing themselves, in dialogue
with others, on what ails their lives and what injustices they want to remove.
There is much to discuss—with each other and with the public servants that make
policy.
The dialogic responsibilities, when
properly appreciated across the lines of governance, must also include
representing the interest of the people who are not here to express their
concerns in their own voice. Human development cannot be indifferent to
future generations just because they are not here—yet. But human beings do have
the capacity to think about others, and their lives, and the art of responsible
and accountable politics is to broaden dialogues from narrowly self-centred
concerns to the broader social understanding of the importance of the needs and
freedoms of people in the future as well as today. This is not a matter of
simply including those concerns within one single indicator—for example, by
overcrowding the already heavily loaded HDI (which stands, in any case, only
for current wellbeing and freedom)—but it certainly is a matter of making sure
that the discussions of human development include those other concerns. The
Human Development Reports can continue to contribute to this broadening through
explication as well as presenting tables of relevant information.
The human development approach is a major
advance in the difficult exercise of understanding the successes and
deprivations of human lives, and in appreciating the importance of reflection
and dialogue, and through that advancing fairness and justice in the world. We may be much like bats in
not being readily accessible to the measuring rod of the impatient
observational scientist, but we are also capable of thinking and talking
about the many-sided nature of our lives and those of others—today and
tomorrow— in ways that may not be readily available to bats. Being a human
being is both like being a bat and very unlike it.
By :
Amartya Sen ; Source
: Human Development Report 2013
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